[Editorial Report] Prague MLADA FRONTA DNES in Czech on 28 December on page 3 carries a 2,000-word interview with CSFR Deputy Prime Minister Jozef Miklosko by Martin Komarek entitled "Slovaks Want Morality." In the interview, the place and date of which are not given, Miklosko discusses differences between the mentality and traditions of Czechs and Slovaks and their impact on the two nations' diverse approach to the economic reform.

Asked about historical differences between the Czech and Slovak nations and their possible influence on current "frictions" between them, Miklosko, who represents the Slovak Christian Democratic Movement [KDH] in the Federal Government, first points to the "asymmetrical development" in the two parts of the republic after World War II. Whereas in Slovakia the first postwar elections in 1946 were won by "democratic forces," in the Czech lands they were won by communists. Because the communists strove to concentrate all power in their own hands, the management of "almost everything" was transferred to Prague. This has not changed, according to Miklosko, which is why Slovaks perceive everything federal as being essentially Czech, despite the presence of many Slovaks in the communist leadership of the past.

The next difference to which Miklosko draws attention concerns the two nations' divergent view "of some period of Slovak history, particularly during World War II." As Miklosko points out, the "Marxist assessment" of this period of Slovak history still continues on the Czech side. The "old terminology" is still being used whereby the Slovak State was a "clerico-fascist" state and Andrej Hlinka, the prewar Slovak nationalist leader, a "murderer and fascist." He died in 1938. According to Miklosko, "the Slovaks are greatly offended by the constant rebukes for the past, which are often at variance with historical facts."

Another differentiating factor which plays a role, according to the deputy prime minister, is the Slovaks' more distinct religious orientation. As he observes, even statistics from the period of totalitarianism showed that 72 percent of the inhabitants of Slovakia are believers. Speaking about the Czechs' and Slovaks' divergent attitude to the economic reform, Miklosko says: "The prevalent view in Slovakia is that too rapid steps in the economy are damaging to the working people, that the steep price rises, currency devaluation, and other measures are too radical. They may be warranted from the economic viewpoint but they need to be counterbalanced with the human and social viewpoint. Slovakia does not overly identify with this rapid reform and there are many examples where we think that one ought to proceed with greater deliberation. In my opinion, the new economic laws make little provision for help for the socially weak. Slovaks would rather be a bit worse off than see differences between individual people become too deep. They say yes to the market economy but to one with strong social and ecological aspects. The conversion of industry [from arms production to production for civilian use] is also connected with this. A question mark is hovering over the jobs of tens of thousands of people. Someone else decided for them that weapons would be manufactured in Slovakia and now it was again someone else who decided that their manufacturing will be halted. Or take foreign investments. Recently we calculated that they are being distributed in a ratio of six to one in favor of the Czech lands. The number of Slovak in delegations that are being sent abroad for negotiations and in the diplomatic service is disproportionately low. I acknowledge that the Czechs have a greater number of qualified experts but the proportion of Slovaks should still be higher than it is."

Miklosko goes on to voice objections to other aspects of the economic reform. He says that he "does not identify" with the proposed 22-percent tax on books and periodicals because he fears that "this could destroy our entire culture." Likewise, he considers it "abnormal" that a Czechoslovak worker earns only 3,500 korunas, which is 170 German marks. He continues: "It is equally abnormal what a German worker can buy in our country. Many restaurants and hotels are already inaccessible to ordinary people. The prices in the Palace Hotel in Prague, for example, are such that Italians who invited me there recently thought that the prices were in Italian lira." "I believe that we should not proceed so quickly and radically," Miklosko says.

Asked about "other differences" between Czechs and Slovaks, Miklosko mentions Slovak objections to the "propagation of free love, violence, and a superficial attitude to life on television." As he points out, "there is fear in Slovakia that if federal television keeps broadcasting only from Prague, various Western ailments will beset us earlier." Whereas the Slovak National Council has already approved a law "limiting the dissemination of pornography," no such law exists as yet in the Czech Republic and on the federal level. Miklosko also voices his "concern about the too benevolent laws allowing young girls to decide to have an abortion without the consent of their parents and the future father. This forces doctors and nurses to partake in this, even if their conscience revolts against it. I think that the attitude of this issue is somewhat different in Bohemia than it is in Slovakia."

In concluding, Miklosko stresses that none of the differences he mentioned prevents the coexistence of Czechs and Slovaks in a common state "as long as there is goodwill on both sides."